In 2025, the Alawite minority has been the victim of a massacre in Syria; in Darfur (Sudan), ethnic cleansing ended in 2024 with the lives of 1,500 people, and in Gaza, the number of Palestinians killed, according to the United Nations, exceeds 45,000. In his book, The Fall of Damascus (Crítica)Eugene Rogan does not investigate any of these events, focusing on a much older and often forgotten one: the massacre of Christians in Syria in 1860. More than a century separates us from this, but its lessons remain relevant. "The events in Damascus were a prelude to everything that was to come," says the author. Invited by the Areces Foundation, Rogan himself has analyzed in a conference, the relevance of these events in present-day Syria.
Few things happen just because, and Rogan, a historian specializing in the Middle East, narrates in his sixth book the events that led to the genocide that devastated the lives of a thousand Christians in the Lebanon Mountains at the hands of the Druze religious ethnicity. He also recounts its aftermath; the days, months, and years of reconstruction that were carried out to mend a fractured society.
Born in Burbank, California; Rogan made a name for himself as a member of the British Academy of Social Sciences and Humanities in 1991 and currently works as a professor at the University of Oxford. In his 35 years dedicated to studying, researching, and teaching about the Arab world, he is clear about two things: that the past is meant to be examined and that it is necessary to face it and absorb everything it can tell us about our present.
In his book, the historian focuses on a very particular event that, in turn, has much to say about the current world. And regarding the contemporary world, he mentions a question that he often receives incessantly: "How does one go from balance to genocide?"
"If we attribute genocide to ancestral hatred and deep roots, we absolve ourselves of responsibility in the present," explains the historian. In his work, Rogan illustrates the danger of sectarianism, the fanaticism that comes with defending an idea or ideology. Speaking of sectarianism and intolerance often involves discussing the roots of prejudices. People often talk about "ancestral hatred," Rogan explains. Although in most cases, it is a mistake.
In the 19th century, Damascus saw the emergence of a wave of resentment towards the Christian minority. The rise of trade with Europe benefited this group, which often bore the brunt of this business. The first fractures in the social hierarchy began to become visible.
The massacre against the Christian community unfolded over two or three decades before 1860. Christians, Jews, and Muslims lived in balance at the beginning of the century, and the shift in attitudes was by no means radical. Crossing from the side of stability to the extreme of massacre first went through a disruption in the established social order.
Referring to his book, Rogan explains that the massacre did not occur due to deep-seated or ancestral intolerance. It was rather "the way a society was challenged by economic, political, and legal changes". A destabilization that favored the Christian community within a contextual framework where, as a minority, Christians had always been "second-class citizens."
The sectarianism of the past and that of today are not so different. "The fall of the al-Assad regime in Syria has raised the issue of fanaticism in a new and urgent way," reflects Rogan. 2025 is leaving a trail of continuous massacres against the Alawite minority in Syria. Coastal regions like Banyas, Tartus, and Latakia have witnessed these atrocities. But it is not solely about sectarianism, explains the historian. "It is also about the role that the Alawites played in the Ba'athist regime under Bashar al-Assad and how it favored this minority in high government and military positions." The result? A sort of "revenge" against this group. "It is a dangerous moment" where nothing is certain, he weighs.
Rogan's biggest concern about the fall of the Ba'athist regime and the takeover of HTS was the well-being of the communities associated with the former government. "I was worried about the Christian communities because many churches had publicly supported the regime, seeing it as their protector against the Salafist jihadists who prevailed as HTS."
One of the challenges facing the interim president in Syria, Ahmed al Shara is to reassure Syrians and the international community that the new government will protect citizens without sectarian divisions. "But it is a very dangerous moment, and we could see sectarian violence resurface," he points out. It is a challenge they understand and must consider to "reassure the Syrian people and the international community" without whose support, he says, "they are powerless". For Rogan, Syria remains a "broken" country, immersed in a "spiral of death."
"Do not aim for full compensation because if you try to return every last penny, the conflict only prolongs"
In The Fall of Damascus, the author outlines the steps taken by the Ottoman government to rebuild society. Can a society fully heal after a genocide? It is a process. Lengthy. Material reconstruction is key, emphasizes the historian. "By 1864, four years later, the Christians had already rebuilt their homes," he explains. The efforts were immense, and the emphasis on compensating the Christians leads to a reflection: "Before moving on to the symbolic you always need the material". The Ottomans opted for investments in infrastructure, but in the modern world, going further is vital: "True reconciliation is necessary, also bringing out the truth. The Ottoman model is fully applicable to modern conflicts like Gaza, he explains. Nevertheless, he believes that the remnants of this conflict will require a monumental effort from the international community, and also "a lot of time to heal".
Compensating and seeking justice are the logical responses of a community seeking healing, but it carries a risk. "You must seek the promise of a better future, in order to turn the page." Otherwise, an endless pursuit of justice that is never satisfied is perpetuated. "You should not aspire to total justice because that takes so long that it could prolong the crisis. You want compensation, you want to restore losses... but do not aim for full compensation, because if you try to return every last penny, the conflict only prolongs." Within the complexity, it is simple: "We cannot let the perfect be the enemy of the good".
Rogan also sees a key error in the resolution of contemporary conflicts and genocides, which lies in a flawed geographical approach. His opinion is firm: "The UN has failed in its mission to stop conflicts that result in genocide."
The prism of the international community on violence, he asserts, focuses on those they most identify with, at the expense of others. Mostly, the focus is on Ukraine. Due to proximity or affinity, the debate and action on other conflicts are disregarded.
"There is anger among Arab intellectuals about the difference in concern between European countries for the suffering in Ukraine, when they are not acting on the genocide in Gaza. But I remind them that with their focus on Gaza, they are not looking at what is happening in Sudan," he says.
The United Nations considers the conflict in Sudan one of the greatest humanitarian crises, where the Masalit ethnicity and non-Arab communities have been victims of ethnic cleansing by paramilitary forces. "The UN has stopped trying to maintain a capable army to promote peace."
But, are international interventions necessary? There is no easy answer. Ideally, yes, he says. But the reality is different. "Our international organizations are not functioning well," he estimates. The international community is becoming disinterested, and "the UN has stopped trying to maintain a capable army to promote peace," he laments.
The five permanent members of the UN Security Council (China, France, Russia, the United Kingdom, Ireland, and the United States) keep the committee in a state of paralysis, he reflects. "The constant veto of these five members does not allow the Council to function, it cannot act effectively." He then returns to the conflict in Sudan and points to its state of perpetual war.
This, he explains, is due to the continuous intervention of regional actors who "do not intervene to stop the violence, but to support the side that favors them." Focusing on the history of the Middle East is as intriguing as it is necessary. "There is a widespread fascination with the Arab world," but "we are far from achieving a balanced approach," says the author, in learning this history compared to that of the West. It is a world "that we must try to address and understand," because, undoubtedly, it can prepare us for the present.