NEWS
NEWS

Mijailo Podolyak: "Vladimir Putin's Russia does not want, cannot, and will not exit the war"

Updated

One of the most trusted men of the Ukrainian leader was already part of the team that negotiated peace with Russia in 2022

Mijailo Podolyak.
Mijailo Podolyak.ALBERTO ROJAS

The strong arm of Volodimir Zelenski, the executor of his wishes as president, may be Andrii Yermak, the head of the presidential office and his right-hand man, but the one whispering in the ears of the Ukrainian leader since the beginning of his term is Mijailo Podolyak, his left-hand man, the strategist.

Podolyak appears in the foundational video of the Ukrainian resistance against the Russian invasion, when Zelenski, in the night of Kiev, with the invaders 15 kilometers away, assures, with his top collaborators behind him: "The president is still here."

Can Ukraine trust Putin's Russia in these negotiations? No. Vladimir Putin uses war as a political tool. His three-day ceasefires are always false. It is very predictable, but only changes if pressured: with sanctions and precision attacks. If he loses money and internal support from his circle of oligarchs, he retreats. We saw this at the end of 2022, with the Ukrainian counteroffensives in Kherson and Kharkiv, when he disappeared for weeks. The U.S. is attempting diplomatic solutions, but Moscow disregards them. It only understands coercion. Without pressure, it will prolong the conflict and continue killing civilians to impose its conditions. What can be done about this pacifist theatrics of Russia that you speak of? The U.S. must use real sanctions: an oil embargo, total banking blockade, pressure with secondary sanctions on countries collaborating with Russia... We no longer have time for long strategies like during the Cold War, where the West could punish the USSR's economy for five or 10 years. Today, military tools are needed. Russian logistics, military, and energy industry must be targeted. I believe the U.S. will eventually change its strategy. In this world, either you influence or you are influenced. A year and a half ago, you told me that Russia was not an invincible country. Do you still maintain that today? Yes. It's not an opinion, it's a mathematical issue. Russia is technologically weak. It has a lot of weaponry, but outdated, like what it receives from North Korea. Its soldiers are cannon fodder and engage in primitive, not technological, warfare. If real sanctions are applied, such as an oil embargo, and military and industrial targets are attacked - like weapons factories or energy infrastructure - the country can be impoverished and disorganized. Russia can be defeated, but it requires determination, speed, and coordination. Russia does not want, cannot, and will not exit the war.

What has changed in Europe's perception of Russia as a potential enemy?

Europe no longer has doubts: Russia is its main threat. Senior Russian government officials like Sergei Shoigu, secretary of their Security Council, Sergei Lavrov, their Foreign Minister, or Valery Gerasimov, their military chief, have openly stated: Europe is their target. To stop them, anti-aircraft bases and defensive systems need to be deployed in Ukraine. Keir Starmer, Emmanuel Macron, Georgia Meloni, and Friedrich Merz understand that Europe's security depends on Europe itself. The U.S. will play a diminishing role. And to build that architecture, Ukraine is essential: it has experience, veterans, and determination.

What can Ukraine teach Europe in this situation?

Europe is mistaken in considering Ukraine as a post-Soviet country like the rest, it is not. Ukraine wants democracy, freedom, and European values. Russia, on the other hand, is an authoritarian and vertical system. This war cannot be resolved as a local conflict. Russia only understands the language of force. If you make concessions, you only stimulate their aggression.

Why has it taken Europe three years to realize all of this?

Yes. Europe, after the USSR, was hopeful for a democratic Russia. It culturally invested in it, accepted its narrative and presence. Russia offered scholarships, supported NGOs, seduced intellectuals. Meanwhile, it prepared for conflict. Europe, accustomed to U.S. protection and its own bureaucratic processes, took too long to react. Since 2014, concessions to Moscow only served to embolden it. Today, it is finally understood that Russia is not a partner or companion, but an enemy. It does not seek stability, but a weak, divided, and frightened Europe. Ukraine demonstrates that it is possible to resist, even if it means paying a high price for its freedom.

Has Donald Trump accelerated this European awakening?

Yes. Trump forced Europe to understand that it had to stand on its own. Today we see quicker decisions in Defense, rearmament, and significant investments. Europe no longer talks about lifting sanctions and sees clearly who Russia is. There cannot be a Defense architecture without Ukraine. Russia knows this, which is why it insists on imposing its peace conditions on everyone.

Do you feel abandoned by the U.S. at this moment?

The situation is difficult, but we are not alone. Russian propaganda is working at full capacity, and many countries still do not understand what Russia really is and what it wants. The U.S. cooperates, although the political relationship is more aggressive. Europe, on the other hand, is fully committed: it invests in our military effort and is now our best ally. The Trump Administration believed that Russia was pragmatic, but they have now understood that for Moscow, war is the basis of its foreign policy. They do not negotiate: they use violence as a way of existence. You cannot negotiate with a country that only respects strength.

Do you seriously believe that Donald Trump has understood this?

Trump, Secretary of State Marco Rubio, or General Keith Kellogg still believe in soft diplomacy, but they must understand that it does not work. Three-day ceasefire proposals only serve Russia to regroup. For them, wanting peace is a sign of weakness. That's how they understand the world. Any negotiation must be done without emotions, with clarity and firmness.

You starred in the video with Zelensky on the day they decided to stay in Kiev with the Russians at the city gates. What has changed since then?

My view on Russia has not changed. I know that country better than many Russians. But my perception of Ukraine has changed: I did not imagine the courage and strength of my people. I have always loved my country, but today I admire it even more. Ukraine has shown that it is possible to defend families, freedom, and European values. I hope other countries understand that. Freedom comes at a price.